1570: Dedication to Oxford in Edmund Elviden’s Peisistratus and Catanea.
THE
most excel-
lent and plesant
Metaphysical Historie
of Pisistratus and
Catanea.
Set forth this present yeare
ByEdm. Elviden
Gentleman.
Imprinted at Lon-
don by Henry Synnerman.
CVM PRIVILEGIO
To the right hono
rable Edward Deuiere, lord
Boulbecke, Erle Oxford, Lord
great Chamberlaine of England,
Edmund Elviden wisheth long
Life with increase of
Honoure.IT was not with oute wise forecaste right honorable (that the polytike Poets & wise Phylosophers, haue many times vttered in pleasant Metaphors, hidden secrets and sundry notable instructions, considering that as the minde is satisfied with profound misteries, so likwise the weaknes of nature is made wel disposed by pleasant conueiance: for as the one informing wisedome, burdeneth the wittes, so likewise the other refresheth the senses, reneweth the memory, and preferueth the tender appetite from tediousnesse: which requisite recration of me presumptuously thought vppon, I haue boldlye or rather impudently offred to your honoure this present rude and grosse conceite, wherin I haue to my slender abilitie bestowed the fruits of my willing labour, for your honors recreation and auoydingof tedious time, after wayghtie affayrs finished, not altogither voyde of secrete meaning, but well pervsed of your Lordshippe, sufficientlie intending to satisfie the humor of your wise disposition. And thus crauing your curtesie to respect of my good wil, as chieflie bent for your especial pleasure, rather than of my simple trauellm I briefly leaue to trouble your honour with tedious circumstance.
Your honors humble
at commaundement,
Edmund Elviden.
May 4, 1570: Will of Charles Tyrell, Oxford’s stepfather.
PRO PROB11/52, f. 105
[NB: Probated 4 May 1570; Tyrrell was buried 7 March 1570 at Kingston-upon-Thames.]
Testamentum Caroli Tirrell Armigeri (undated)
In the name of god amen. I Charles Tirrell esquire and one of the quenes Ma{ies}ties gentlemen pencheno{u}rs beinge sicke in bodie but of good remembraunce doe make this my laste will and testamente. firste I bequeathe my sowle into thandes of my savio{u}r and readeamer Iesu christe, and my bodie to the {christ}ian buriall. Secondarilie I giue and bequeathe vnto the ladie marie sister to thearle of oxforde one kirtell of black velvet ymbrodered all ouer w{i}t{h} gold and pearle. Item I will that the same ladie marie haue the karkenott of rewbies and pearle soe as she will paie xlli for the same. Item I giue vnto mr walgraves wife vnto mr william walgrave of smalle bridge in the countie of suff’ one partelate and ruffes sleaves beinge the hole sewte of the faneste [=finest] that is amongeste the partelates and ruffes. Item I giue vnto ffraunces wingfeelde, a black cloke and savegarde of black clothe garded w{i}t{h} velvet w{hi}ch liethe in my presse at home, and all other apparrell that was my wyves within that presse more iij paire of sheetes one paire of them fyne, more ij table clothes of diaper, iij towelles of diaper, and three other towelles plaine, more one of the riche p{ar}telates and sleaves, more a Iewell coffer which is in my chamber at london w{i}t{h} all other handekerchers and other lynnen in the same coffer and one white partelett. Item I giue vnto the saide ffraunces wingefeelde a ringe w{i}t{h} a pointed dyamonde. Item I doe giue vnto thearle of oxforde one greate horse that his lordeshipp gave me. Item I giue vnto the cownties [=countess] of warwick the beste kertell that was my late wyves excepte that gyvenn to the ladie marie, and to be chosen by mystris gardener one of her gentlewomen. Item I giue vnto the same Mrs Gardener one quishione clothe wroughte at the foure corners, with black silke and silver, and one napkine wroughte at bothe endes w{i}t{h} blacke silke and goulde. Item I giue vnto my sister Churche three paire of sheetes and one gowne of black clothe, that was the ladie[s] maries w{hi}ch is in the greate cheaste. Item I giue vnto my brother and sister Garnisshe my feilde-bedd of crymson velvet w{i}t{h} the bedsteed of wallnut tree w{hi}ch standethe in the littell parlo{u}r. Item I giue vnto my sister ffelton, one fetherbedd furnished. Item I will that the traine of a kertell of tawney velvet that was my wyves be gyven vnto the ladie woster w{hi}ch my late wyfe gave vnto her. Item I giue vnto Cooke my man a black cloke and a coate and a geldinge called greye cockerell. Item I giue vnto my man {Christ}ofer a black paire of hose lyned w{i}t{h} mockeadoe and one white fustiane doublet and a black velvett hatt and xxs in monnye. Item I giue vnto Maynes my man a cloke of shepes coller, and a paire of blacke hose lyned with sarcenett and a black leather Iirkynne and the geldinge that was mr Hadnowle. Item I doe giue vnto my fellowe Mr Edward Hounngerforde all my harneyes that hangethe in my chamber at London. Item I giue vnto Mr More clerke of o{u}r bande for a remembraunce ijo paire of fyne sheetes for to sarve hym at the courte. Item I doe giue vnto my fellowe maister Iohn Seymore a blacke gowne of clothe furred, a nighte gowne and alsoe my pollaxe. Item I doe giue vnto my brother Phillippe Tirrell and my freinde, maister Kelton of colne, all that my lease and tearme of yeres yetto come w{hi}ch I haue of the saide howse, manno{u}r and priorie of colne with thappurtenaunces by anye meanes or waies, aswell by force of one Indenture made by the late earle deceased to Iohn bothe and Thomas Coe, w{hi}ch saide Iohn and Thomas have by theire deade [=deed] signed and sealed, released over theire intereste to my late wife the counties [=countess] of oxforde in her widowehodde, as by all other meanes and waies whereby anye righte or title of the same mighte or maye accrewe or growe to me. Item I doe make my brother Phillipp Tirrell my soale executor of all other my goodes and chattelles yet vngiven / vppon condic{i}on he doe paie all suche debtes and dewties as maye lawfullie be demaunded of me and shall iustelie be proved as abovewrittenn to be my debtes, theis beinge witnesses hereof maister Iohn Seymore esquire one of the quenes Ma{ies}ties gent{lemen} pencioners and Mr Richarde Kelton gent{leman}.
[Thanks to Alan Nelson for text.]
1571: Dedication to Oxford, Oxford’s response, and Oxford’s poem to the reader in Thomas Bedingfield‘s translation of Cardanvs Comforte.
| TO THE RIGHTE Honourable and my good Lord the Earle of Oxenforde, Lorde great Chamberlayne of Englande. |
| MY GOOD LORDE, I can geeue nothinge more agreable to your minde, and my fortune then the willinge performance of sutch seruice as it shall please you to commaunde me vnto: And therefore rather to obeye then boast of my cunninge, and as a newe signe of myne olde deuotion, I doe present the booke your lordeship so longe desired. VVith assured hope that how so euer you mislike or allow ther of, you will fouourably conceal myne imperfections which to your Lordeshippe alone I dare discouer, because most faithfully I honour and loue you. My long discontinuance of study, or rather the lack of grounded knowledge did many times discorage me, yet the pleasure I tooke in the matter did counteruayle all dispayre, and the rather by encouragement of youre L who (as you wel remember) vnwares to me founde some part of this woorcke, and willed me in any wise to procede therin. My meaning was not to haue imparted my trauaile to any, but your honour hath power to countermaund myne intencion. Yet I moste humbly beseech you either not to make any partakers thereof, or at the least wise those, who for reuerence to you L. or loue to mee, wyll willingly beare wyth myne errors. A nedelesse thinge I knowe it is to comforte you, whom nature and fortune hath not onely not iniured, but rather vpon whom they haue bountifully bestowed their grace: notwithstandinge sith you delight to see others acquited of cares, your L. shall not do amisse to reade some part of Cardanus counsell: wherein consideringe the mayfolde miseries of others, you may the rather esteeme your own happy estate wyth encrease of those noble and rare vertues which I know and reioyce to be in you. Sure I am it would haue better beseemed me to haue taken this trauaile in some discourse of Armes (being your L. chief profession & mine also) then in Philosophers skill to haue thus busied my selfe: yet sith your pleasure was such, and your knowledge in either great, I do (as I will euer) most willingly obeye you. And if any eyther through skill or curiosity do find fault with mee, I trust notwithstanding for the respects aforesaide to be houlden executed. From my lodginge this first of Ianuarye. 1571. |
|
Your L. alwayes to commaunde Thomas Bedingfeld. |
| To my louing frend Thomas Bedingfeld Esquyer, one of her Maies- ties gentlemen Pentioners. |
| AFter I had perused youre letters good mayster Bedingfeld, findinge in them your request farre differinge from the desert of your labour, I could not chose but gretly doubte, whether it were better for mee to yelde you youre desire, or execute myne owne intention towardes the publishinge of your Booke. For I do confesse the affections that I haue alwayes borne towardes you coulde moue mee not a lyttle. But when I had throughly considered in my minde of sondrye and diuers argumentes, whether it were best to obeye myne affections or the merites of your studyes: At the length I determined it better to denye your vnlawfull request, then to graunt or condiscende to the concelment of so worthy a worke. VVhereby as you haue bene profited in the translatinge, so many may reape knowledge by the readinge of the same, that shall comfort the afflicted, confirme the doubtful, encourage the cowarde, and lift vp the base minded man, to atchieue to any true summe or grade of vertue, wherto ought onely the noble thoughtes of men to be enclined. And because next to the sacred letters of Diuinity, nothing doth perswade the same more then Philosophye, of which your booke is plentifully stored: I thought my selfe to commit am vnpardonable errour, to haue murthered the same in the wast bottomes of my chestes, and better I thought it were to displease one, then to displease many: further considering so little a trifle cannot procure so great a breach of our amity, as may not with a little perswasion of reason be repayred againe. And herein I am forced like a good and politicke Captaine, oftentimes to spoil & burne the corne of his own country, least his enemyes thereof do take aduauntage. For rather then so many of your country men shoulde be deluded through my sinister meanes of your industry in studyes, (wherof you are bound in conscience to yelde them an accompt) I am content to make spoyle and hauocke of your request, and that, that might haue wrought greatly in me in this former respect, vtterly to be of no effect or operation: and when you examine your selfe what doth auaile a masse of goulde to be continually imprisoned in your bags, and neuer to be employed to your vse: I do not doubt euen so you thinke of your studies and delightfull Muses. VVhat do they auayle, if you do not participate theym to others? VVherefore we haue this latine Prouerbe. Scire tuum nihilest, nisite scire hoc sciat alter. VVhat doth auaile the tree vnles it yeld fruict vnto an other? what doth auaile the Vine vnles an other delighteth in the Grape? VVhat doth auayle the Rose vnless an other tooke pleasure in the smel? VVhye should this tree be accompted better then that tree, but for the goodnes of his fruict? VVhy should this Vine bee better then that Vine, vnles it brought forth a better Grape then the other? VVhy should this Rose be better esteemed then that Rose, vnlesse in pleasantnes of smel it farre surpassed the other Rose? And so it is in al other things as well as in man. VVhy shoulde this man, be more esteemed then that man, but for his vertue, throughe whych euerye man desireth to be accompted of. Then you amongest men I do not doubt, but wyll aspyre to followe that vertuous pathe, to illuster your sefe wyth the ornamentes of vertue. And in myne opynion as it beautifyeth a fayre woman to be decked wyth pearles and precious stones, so much more it ornifyeth a gentleman to be furnished in mynde wyth glitteringe vertues. VVherefore consideringe the small harme I do to you, the great goode I do to others, I prefer mine owne intention to discouer your volume, before your request to secret the same: WWherein I may seeme to you to ply the parte of the cunninge and experte medeciner or Phisition, who although his patient in the extremity of his burninge Feuer, is desirous of colde licour or drincke to qualifye his sore thirst, or rather kill his languishinge body: Yet for the daunger hee doth euidently knowe by his science to ensue, denyeth hym the same. So you beynge sicke of to much doubt in your owne procedinges, through which infirmity you are desirous to burye and inseulle youre workes in the graue of obliuion: Yet I knowinge the discommodityes that shall redounde to youre selfe thereby (and whych is more vnto your Countreymen) as one that is willinge to salue so great an inconuenience, am nothing dainty to deny your request. Againe we see if our frendes be deade, we cannot sheewe or declare our affection more then by erecting them of Tombes: VVhereby when they be deade in deede, yet make we them liue as it were againe through theyr monument, but wyth me behold it happeneth farre better, for in your lyfe time I shall erect you such a monument, that as I saye youre lifetime you shall see howe noble a shadowe of youre vertuous life, shall hereafter remaine when you are deade in deede, yet make we them liue as it were againe through theyr monument, but wyth me behold it happeneth farre better, for in your lyfe time I shall erect you such a monument, that as I saye youre lifetime you shall see howe noble a shadowe of youre vertuous life, shall hereafter remaine when you are deade and gone. And in your life time againe I say, I shall giue you that monument and remembraunces of your life, whereby I may declare my good will thoughe vvith your ill will as yet that I do beare you in your life. Thus earnestly desyringe you in this one request of mine (as I woulde yelde to you in a great many) not to repugne the settinge forth of your owne proper studies, I bid you farewell. |
| From my newe countreye Muses at VViuenhole, wyshing you as you haue begunne, to proceede to these vertuous actions. For when all things shall els forsake vs, vertue yet will euer abide with vs, and when our bodies falles into the bowels of the earth, yet that shall mounte with our mindes into the highest Heavens. |
| By youre louinge and assured frend, E. Oxenford. |
| The Earle of Oxenforde to the Reader. |
| The labouring man, that tilles the fertile soyle, And reapes the haruest fruiet, hath not in deede The gaine but payne, and if for al hys toyle He gets the strawe, the Lord will haue the seede. The Manchet fyne, falles not vnto his share On coursest cheat his hungrye stomacke feedes The Landlord doth, possesse the fynest fare, He pulles the flowers, the other pluckes but weedes. The Mason poore that buildes the lordly halles Dwelles not in them, they are for hye degree, His Cottage is, compact in paper walles And not with bricke, or stone as others be. The idle Drone, that labours not at all Suckes up the sweete, of honny from the Bee Who worketh most, to their share least doth fall, With due desert, reward will neuer be. The swiftest Hare, vnto the Mastiue slowe Oft times doth fall, to him as for a preye: The Greyhounde thereby, doth misse his game we know For which he made, such speedy hast away. So he that takes, the payne to penne the booke Reapes not the giftes, of goodly golden Muse But those gayne that, who on the worke shal looke And from the soure, the sweete by skill doth chuse. For he that beates the bushe the byrde not gets, But who sittes still and holdeth fast the nets. |
| F I N I S. |
Oct 1571: Dedication to Oxford in Arthur Golding’s translation of The Psalms of David.
THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY
[PREFIXED TO THE ORIGINAL TRANSLAT10N, 1571.]
To The Right Honorably And Verie Good Lord,
EDWARD DE VERE, ERLE OF OXINFORD,
Lord Great Chamberlain Of England, Vicount Bulbecke, Etc. 1
ARTHUR GOLDING
Wisheth Increace Of Godly Knowldge,
With Health, Honour, And Prosperitie.IT may, peraduenture, be thought in respect of the matter wherof this woork treateth, that it ought rather to haue bin dedicated to som of my very good Lords, the Lords Spirituall, or to some of the Clergie, all to whom such things seeme to perteine more peculiarly, by reason of theyr charge and calling. Which opinions as I purpose not to encounter, but rather most willingly submit my selfe and my doings to the iudgement and reformation of such reuerend Fathers and learned men, as God hath put ill trust with the care of his flock, and the charge of his Church within this Realms euen so forasmuch as the things which the Holy Ghost vttereth in the Sacred Scriptures belong indifferently unto all men, of what estate, degrees sex, age, or calling, so euer they be, without exception:I haue at this time set all other respects and considerations aside, and only had an eye to my dutie towards your Lordship.
And bicause my continuall troubles and sutes in the Lawe (as yit vnended after more than three yeeres trauel) haue bereft mee of the greatest part of my timer, so as I could not dispatch things with such expedition as otherwise I might haue done; my care and indeuer hath bin too recompence mine ouerlong silence with goodnes of matter, that might redound to the furtherance of our Christen common weale, and also be meete for your Lordship too looke vpon. But you, perchaunce, according too the noble courage and disposition of your yeeres, doo looke I should presente vntoo you some Historie of the Conquestes and affaires of mightie Princes, some treatise of the government of common weales, some description of the platte of the whole Earth, or some discourse of chiualrie and feates of Armes. These things are, in deede, meete studies for a noble manne, and in their season right necessary for the common welth; but as nowe I present vntoo your honor muche greater things that is, to wit, true Religyon, true Godlynesse, true Vertue, wythout the whych, neyther force, policie, nor freend ship, are of any value, neyther can any common weale any Cities any householde, or any company, bee wel gouerned, or haue any stable and long continuance. These be the things wherin your Lordship may do God, your Prince, and your Cuntrie, best seruice, and which do giue true nobilitie, or rather are the very nobilitie it self.
The greater that you are of birth and calling, the more doo these things belong vnto you. The greater gifts of Nature, the mo graces of mind, the mo worldly benefites that God hath bestowed vppon you, the more are you bound to be thankful vnto him. But thankful you cannot bee without the true knoweledge of him, neyther can you know him rightly but by his woord. For his sword is the lanterne of your feete, and the light of your steppes. Whosoeuer walked without it, walketh but in darkenesse, though he were otherwise as sharpe sighted as Linceus or Argus, and had all the sciences artes, conning, eloquence, and wisedome of the worlde. No sound and substantiall truthe is too bee founde any where els saue onely there. And, therfore, the Holy Ghost, by the mouth of Moyses, willeth you that the lawe of God (that is to say, his word and doctrine) shoulde not departe from your mouth, but that you should bynde it about your wrists, imbroyder it vpon your garments ingraue it vpon the postes of your house, and write it in the tables of your hart. And Dauid, speaking by the same spirite, exhorteth you by his owne example to set your whole delight in it, too occupy your selfe in it day and night, too lay it vp in your hart, too set more store by it than by riches, to be mindeful of it, to make it your counsayler, to stick too it, too talke of it afore Kings and greate men, to loue it, too make your songs of it, to remember it night and day, too count it sweeter than Hony, too take it as an heritage, and too make it the ioy of your hart. Neyther is it without cause that GOD calleth so ofte vppon Magistrates and noble men by name, that they should be diligent in his worde. For looke how muche the greater burthen and charge lyeth vpon their shoulders and the greater accounte they haue to make afore him; so muche the greater wisedome and knoweledge haue they need of, which are not to be atteyned elsewhere than in his lawe. I beseeche your Lordship consider how God hath placed you vpon a high stage in the eyes of all men, as a guide, patterne, insample, and leader vnto others if your vertues be vncounterfayted, if your religion be sound and pure, if your doings be according to true godliness you shalbe a stay to your cuntrie, a comforte too good men, a bridle too euil men, a ioy too your freends, a corzie too your enemies, and an increace of honor to your owne house. But if you should become eyther a counterfayt Protestant, or a peruerse Papist, or a colde and carelesse newter, (which God forbid,) the harme could not be expressed which you should do to your natiue Cuntrie. For (as Cicero, no lesse truely than wisely affirmeth, and as the sorrowfull dooings of our Present dayes do too certeinly auouch) greate men hurt not the common weale so much by beeing euil in respect of themselues, as by drawing others vnto euil by their euil example. I assure your Lordshippe I write not these things as though I suspected you to be digressed from that soundnes and sinceritie wherein you were continually trayned and traded vnder that vigilant Vlisses of our common welth, sometyme your Lordship’s carefull Chyron or Phoenix, and nowe your faithful Patroclus, or as though I mistrusted your Lordship to be degenerated from the excellent towardnes, which by foreward proof hath giuen glad foretokens, and (I trust also) luckye hansels of an honorable age too ensue; but bycause the loue that I owe to God and his religion, the care that I haue of the church and my natiue cuntrie, the dutie wherin Nature hath bound mee to your Lordship, and (which is an occasion too make all good and honest men look about them) the perilousnes of this present time, wherin all meanes possible are practiced to ouerthrowe Christe’s kingdom and to abolishe all faithfullnes from among men, make mee to feare and forecast, not so much what is true, as what may bee noysome and hurtful; and, therfore, I seek rather too profite by wholesome admonition, than to delight by pleasant speeches. These be no dayes of daliance; for Sathan, the workmaster of all mischeef, being greued that his own king dome draweth to an end, not onely goeth about like a roring Lyon too deuoure folke by open force, but also like a slie Serpent setteth snares and pitfalles innumerable, to intrap men and bring them to destruction by policie laying wayt for all men, but specially for such as are of high estate, as who alwayes carye greatest nombers with them which waye so euer they incline. Hee turneth himselfe intoo mo shapes than euer did Proteus:and suche as himselfe is, suche are his ministers. First and foremost the obstinate and stubborneharted Papistes, the sworne enemies of God, the pestilent poyson of mankinde, and the very welsprings of all error, hipocrisie, and vngraciousnes, (who, while they beare sway, bee more cruel than Beares, Wolues, and Tigres; and when they bee kept vnder, more deceitfull than Cerastes and Crocodyles; and at all times more mischeuous than the Diuel himselfe,) labor with tooth and nayle too winde their owne trash into credit with all men, and to bring the heauenly doctrine of the Gospel in hatred.
Ageine, the Atheistes, which say in their hartes there is no God; and the Epicures, which depriue God of his prouidence in gouerning the world, as though hee eyther vnderstoode not what is doone vppon Earth, or els cared not for mennes affaires:seeke they not by all meanes possible too weede all Religion, all feare of God, all remorse of conscience out of mennes harts? Out of these rootes spring other impes, no lesse perniciouse than the stockes of whiche they come, men of all Religions, Shippemen that canne sayle with all wethers, Carpenters that can hewe with bothe handes, Laddes that canne holde with the Hare and hunt with the Hounde, and (as the Scripture termeth them) time-seruers and menpleasers. Of which torte be the picthank Preests of Hammon, who, with the venemouse blaste of their filthie flattery, corrupt the wel instructed mindes of our Alexranders, (that is to say, of our noble men,) by bearing them in hand, that they bee the sonnes of Iupiter, add making them beleeue themselues too bee Gods, yea, sometimes before they be scarce men. These, after the maner of Panthers and Mermaides, astonne the senses with a deadly sweetnes, and work destruction by delighting. Moreouer, to the further withdrawing of men’s minds from the estimation of the sound Religion, it falleth out that euen in the outward face of the Church there be many Hipocrites, many looce liuers, many Sectaries, and many wranglers, whiche pretending the countenance of Chryste’s flock, but beeing in deede the Deuil’s hirelings, confessing GOD with their mouth, but denying him in their works, cause his holy, pure, and reuerend doctrine to bee slaundered and ill-spoken of among the Gentiles, (that is, too wit, among the Papist and worldlings,) and so alienate men from Christ.
The ignorant sort also deeming things vntowardly by the outward shew, charge the Gospell with the faultes of men, which it reprooueth and bringeth too lyght, as who would Say, that hee whiche bewrayeth a Murtherer, or rebuketh an Adulterer, were too bee counted an offender in the same caces, bicause hee discouereth their wickednesse, too the intent too haue it punished or redressed. And these are stumbling-blocks common to all sortes of men; but more peculiar to great menne are those that I spake of in the third place, and also these ensuing, namely, noblenesse of birth, renowne of Aunceters, fauor of their Prince, freendship of their peeres, awe of their inferiours, great alyances, greate retinewes depending vpon them, libertie aboue the common rate, welth, honor, riches, ease, sumptuouse fare, costly apparel, gorgeouse buildings, attendaunce of seruants, and suche other like, whiche as they bee the singuler good giftes and benefites of God bestowed vpon them for their comfort, to the end they should the more loue him and imbrace his truthe:so Sathan abusing the infirmitie and corruption of man’s nature, dooth in many menne wrest them all too a contrary ende, namely, too the proude contempt and impugning, or at leastwise to the carelesse neglecting of God’s true Religion and seruice.
As for the fraylnesse of youth it self, the open manaces and priuie practizes of Antichrist, the common hatred and disdeine of the Worlde ageinst the sincere worshippers of God, the hardnesse and aduersities which they endure in this life, and infinite other by matters whiche are no small hinderances too the proceeding of the Gospel, I wil not stand too intreat of them. For doubtlesse, although Antichrist were abolished although Sathan were a sleepe, although the world were at one with vs. although wicked counsel were vtterly put too silence, although no euil example were giuen vs. although no outwarde stumbling-blocke were cast in our waye; yit haue wee one thing in our selues and of our selues, (euen originall sinne, concupiscence, or lust,) which neuer ceaseth too egge vs and allure vs from God, and too staine vs with all kinde of vnclennes, according as Sainct Iames sayth:Every man is tempted of his owne lust. This is the breth of the venemouse Cockatrice which hath infected the whole offspring of Adam. This is the sting of that olde Serpent whose wounds neither Chyron, Aesculupius, nor Apollo, can heale, no, nor any wight in Heauen or Earth, saue onely God. This is the bitter fountaine Exampeus, which with his brackishnesse marreth the sweete Riuer Hipanis, that is to say, the flowing streame of all God’s graces, benefited and gifts in vs.
Good cause haue we therfore to bee forewarned and continually admonished to beware of the mischeef that is armed with so many weapons and policies to anoy:specially considering how the operation therof is to slea both bodie and soule, and to drown them togither in to endles damnation. For this I dare be bolde to say vpon the warrant of assured truthe, that whosoeuer is but lightly blasted with the poyson of Papistrie, is the vnapter to all the duties of true vertue and godlines, like as a Cripple or lame man is the vnmeeter and vnabler for the affaires of this life. But as for him that is throughly saped in it, and hathe digested it into his bowels, and hath setled the roots of it in the bottome of his hart; depending vpon the Antichrist of Rome as vpon the mouth of God, He can neyther be the faithful seruant of God, nor a hartie Subiect too his Prince, nor a good and sound member of the common welth, vntill hee haue done as the Snake dooth when he commeth to engender with the Lamprey.
For the better manifestation of all the which things I besech your good Lordship to peruse this present books, which doubtlesse, for the exceellency therof, not onely deserueth more singular commendation than man’s wit is able to yeeld, but also is worthy too be had continually in all mennes hands, or rather too bee printed in their hartes. For if you haue an eye too the Authors, it was written by Prophets, Preestes, and Kinges, inspired with the Holye Ghost, the fountaine of an vnderstanding, wysedom, and truth, and auouched onto vs by Christie the Sonne of the euellasting God. Or if you haue an eye to the matter, it conteineth a treatise of the Doctrine of lyfe and euerlasting Saluation, the particulars wherof are as many as are the points of true Religion and holinesse to Godward, or the points of faithfull meening and honest dealing too manward. And these things are common to it with the residue of holy Scripture.
The thing that is peculiar to it, is the maner of the handling of the matters wherof it treateth. For whereas other partes of holy writ (whither they be historicall, morall, iudiciall, ceremoniall, or propheticall) do commonly set down their treatises in open and plaine declarations; this parte consisting of them all, wrappeth vp things in types and figures, describing them finder borowed personages, and oftentimes winding in matters by preuention, speaking of thinges too come as if they were past or present, and of things past as if they were in dooing, and euery man is made a bewrayer of the secretes of his owne hart. And forasmuche as it consisteth cheefly of prayer and thanksgiving, or (which comprehendeth them bothe) of inuocation, whiche is a communication with God, and requireth rather an earnest and deuout lifting vp of the minde, than a loud or curious vtterance of the voice:there be many vnperfect sentences, many broken speeches, and many displaced words, according as the voice of the partie that prayed was eyther preuented with the swiftnesse of his thoughtes, or interrupted with vehemency of ioy or greef, or forced to surcease through infirmities that hee might recouer newe strength and cheerfulnesse, by interminding God’s former promises and benefites. Notwithstanding, the obscuritie of those places is not so great but that it may be easely ouercome, by such as, when they pray, doo vtterly sequester their mindes from all earthly imaginations and fleshly conceits, and after a sort forsaking their bodies for the time, do mount vppe aboue the world by faith, and present themselues before the heauenly throne of grace, to seek the vnspeakable and inestimable comfort of their soules.
Suche are the conteints, and suche is the maner or disposition of the ground-worke of this booke, that is to say, of the Psalmes themselues. Whervnto (for the better vnderstanding of them) heere is added an exposition or Commentarie written in Latin by that learned Clerk and faithful minister of Chryst in the church of Geneua, Master Iohn Caluin, whose worthy praise and commendation, his owne manifolde woorks moste peinfully, sincerely, and soundly set foorth too the greate furtherance and profite of the whole Christen common weale, doo better declare than my pen can vtter or my wit deuice. And among the reste of them, it is thoughte of most learned men, that next vntoo his Institutions, this presente volume beareth the Bel, bothe for varietie of matter, substantialnes of doctrine, depth of iudgement, and perfectnesse of penning. For it is not puffed vp with vaine sound of emptie woords, nor with Rhetorical inlarging of painted sentences, but it is stuffed with piththy and grounded matter, such as plainly sheweth him too haue bin a man indued with the Spirite of God, and also well practized and tryed in the affaires and troubles of this world.
What is to bee thought of the translation of it, that I remitte to your Lordship’s fauourable acceptation, vnder whose Antesigne it is my desire that it may fight in the defense and maintenance of the true religion ageinst Antichrist and his wicked members. Onely thus muche I may safely say of it, that in all pointes (to the vttermoste of my power, and according to the abilitie which God hath giuen me to edifie withall) I haue sincerely performed the dutie of a faithfull Interpreter, rather indeuering too lay foorth things plainlye (yea, and sometimes also homely and grossely) too the vnderstanding of many, than too indyte things curyously too the pleasing of a fewe. For in this and suche other workes, the rude and ignorant haue more interest than the learned and skillful. If any thing be amisse, (as I dare not presume too vpholde that nothing hath escaped mee in so great a woorke,) my hartie desire is, that the same may be amended by such as are of sound iudgement and knowledge in God’s woorde, so as no inconuenience may ensue of it too the churche of Christ. And look what I request in the behalfe of this present booke, the same do I request for all other books whiche I haue or (by God’s grace and permission) shall heerafter put foorth for the edifying of Chrystes flock:for I knowe how suche things are the woork of God and not of man.
What remayneth then, but that your Lordship, framing your selfe according to the rule of God’s most holy word, should hie you apace to the atteinment of the true honor and immortall glory, by subduing sinne, the world, and the Deuil, the Hectors that cannot bee vanquished but by a christen Achilles; and by your good guyding bring many vnto Christ, that in the end you may receiue the rewarde of true and perfect blissednesse, euen the everlasting salvation of the soule, whiche is the faire Helen for whose safetie it behooueth all good men too endure, not tenne yeeres warre, but continuall warre all their life long. To the furtherance wherof, God hath by householde alyance lincked vnto your Lordship a long experienced Nestor, whose counsaile and footsteps if you folowe, no doubte but you shalbee bothe happie in your selfe, and singularly profitable to your common welth; and moreouer, God shall blisse you with plentiful and godly issue by your vertuous and deerbeloued Spouse, to continew the honor and renoavne of your noble house after the happy knitting vp of bothe your yeeres, which I pray God may bee many in vnseperable loue, like the loue of Ceix and Alcyonee, to the glory of God, and the contentation of bothe your desires.
Written at London, the 20:of
October 1571.Your good Lordship’s moste humlble to commaund, Arthur Goldling.
January 5, 1572: Latin Preface to Batholomew Clerke‘s English translation of Castiglione’s Il Cortegiano (The Courtier). English translation.
Edward Vere, Earl of Oxford, Lord Great Chamberlain of England, Viscount Bulbeck and Baron Scales and Badlesmere to the Reader — Greeting.
A frequent and earnest consideration of the translation of Castiglione’s Italian work, which has now for a long time been undertaken and finally carried out by my friend Clerke, has caused me to waver between two opinions: debating in my mind whether I should preface it by some writing and letter of my own, or whether I should do no more than study it with a mind full of gratitude. The first course seemed to demand greater skill and art than I can lay claim to, the second to be a work of no less good will and application. To do both, however, seemed to combine a task of delightful industry with an indication of special good-will.
I have therefore undertaken the work, and I do so the more willingly, in order that I may lay a laurel wreath of my own on the translation in which I have studied this book, and also to ensure that neither my good-will (which is very great) should remain unexpressed, nor that my skill (which is small) should seem to fear to face the light and the eyes of men.
It is no more than its due that praises of every kind should be rendered to this work descriptive of a Courtier. It is indeed in every way right and one may say almost inevitable that with the highest and greatest praises I should address both the author and translator, and even more the great patroness of so great a work, whose name alone on the title-page gives it a right majestic and honourable introduction.
For what more difficult, more noble, or more magnificent task has anyone ever undertaken than our author Castiglione, who has drawn for us the figure and model of a courtier, a work to which nothing can be added, in which there is no redundant word, a portrait which we shall recognize as that of the highest and most perfect type of man. And so, although nature herself has made nothing perfect in every detail, yet the manners of men exceed in dignity that with which nature has endowed them; and he who surpasses others here has surpassed himself, and has even outdone nature which by no one has ever been surpassed. Nay more, however elaborate the ceremonial, whatever the magnificence of the Court, the splendour of the Courtiers, and the multitude of spectators, he has been able to lay down principles’ for the guidance of the very Monarch himself.
Again, Castiglione has vividly depicted more and even greater things than these. For who has spoken of Princes with greater gravity? Who has discoursed of illustrious women with a more ample dignity? No one has written of military affairs more eloquently, more aptly about horseracing, and more clearly and admirably about encounters under arms on the field of battle. I will say nothing of the fitness and the excellence with which he has depicted the beauty of chivalry in the noblest persons. Nor will I refer to his delineations in the case of those persons who cannot be Courtiers, when he alludes to some notable defect, or to some ridiculous character, or to some deformity of appearance. Whatever is heard in the mouths of men in casual talk and in society, whether apt and candid, or villainous and shameful, that he has set down in so natural a manner that it seems to be acted before our very eyes.
Again, to the credit of the translator of so great a work, a writer too who is no mean orator, must be added a new glory of language. For although Latin has come down to us from the ancient city of Rome, a city in which the study of eloquence flourished exceedingly, it has now given – back its features for use in modern Courts as a polished language of excellent temper, fitted out with royal pomp, and possessing admirable dignity. All this my good friend Clerke has done, combining exceptional genius with wonderful eloquence. For he has resuscitated that dormant quality of fluent discourse. He has recalled those ornaments and lights which he had laid aside, for use in connexion with subjects most worthy of them. For this reason he deserves all the more honour, because that to great subjects — and they are indeed great — he has applied the greatest light and ornaments.
For who is clearer in his use of words? Or richer in the dignity of his sentences? Or who can conform to the variety of circumstances with greater art? If weighty matters are under consideration, he unfolds his theme in a solemn and majestic rhythm; if the subject is familiar and facetious, he makes use of words that are witty and amusing. When therefore he writes with precise and well-chosen words, with skilfully constructed and crystal-clear sentences, and with every art of dignified rhetoric, it cannot be but that some noble quality should be felt to proceed from his work. To me indeed it seems, when I read this courtly Latin, that I am listening to Crassus, Antonius, and Hortensius, discoursing on this very theme.
And great as all these qualities are, our translator has wisely added one single surpassing title of distinction to recommend his work. For indeed what more effective action could he have taken to make his work fruitful of good results than to dedicate his Courtier to our most illustrious and noble Queen, in whom all courtly qualities are personified, together with those diviner and truly celestial virtues? For there is no pen so skilful or powerful, no kind of speech so clear, that is not left behind by her own surpassing virtue. It was therefore an excellent display of wisdom on the part of our translator to seek out as a patroness of his work one who was of surpassing virtue, of wisest mind, of soundest religion, and cultivated in the highest degree in learning and in literary studies.
Lastly, if the noblest attributes of the wisest Princes, the safest protection of a flourishing commonwealth, the greatest qualities of the best citizens, by her own merit, and in the opinion of all, continually encompass her around; surely to obtain the protection of that authority, to strengthen it with gifts, and to mark it with the superscription of her name, is a work which, while worthy of all Monarchs, is most worthy of our Queen, to whom alone is due all the praise of all the Muses and all the glory of literature.
Given at the Royal Court on the 5th of January 1571.*
[* 1572 by the revised calendar.]
1573: Dedication to Oxford by Thomas Twyne in his translation of The Breviary of Britain.
The Breuiary of
BritayneAs the most noble, and renow-
med Land, was of auncient
time deuided into three, King-
domes, England, Scotland and
Wales.Contaynying a learned discourse
Of the variable state, & altera-
tion therof, vnder diuers, as
wel natural: as forren prin-
ces, & Conquerours.Together with the Geographicall de-
scription of the same, such as nether
by elder, nor later writers, the
like hath been set foorth
before.Writen in Latin by Humfrey
Lhuyd Denbigh, a cambre
Britayne, and lately Englished
by Thomas Twyne,
Gentleman.
1573
To the Right ho-
norable, Edward Deuiere,
Lorde Bulbeck, Erle of
Oxenford, Lorde great cham-
berlayne of England : Tho.
Twyne wisheth long life,
perfect health, encrease of
honour, and endlesse
felicitie.The Epistle.
NObilitie is a precious gift, whiche so glittereth in the eyes of al men: that there is no one corporall thyng in this worlde, wherof we make a greater accompt. For so is it esteemed of all, dsired of all, and reuerenced of al. Vertue, saith TVLLY, and before him PLATO, if it might be seene with our bodely eyes: doubtelesse it woulde procure merueilous loue, and good likynge vnto it self, the shew therof would appeare so faier, and amiable. The vniting of which two most noble graces, with al other furniture of Nature, & Fortune with in your person, right honorable, and my very good Lord, hath so bent my iudgement, and brought me into such likyng, & admiration therof: that I haue rested no smale time, not only not satisfied in being one of the admiratours: but also delierus to be one of the participatours of those your honours most laudable dispositions, wherunto I do now humbly submit my selfe. And in token of my dutiful meaning herein: am so hardi, as to present your honour with this simple traueyle, which I so terme, in respect of my paines in translatying the same. Howbeit I am perswaded, that it cost M. Lhuyd, who first, and not longe since wroate the same in Latin, no smale labour, and industry in the gatheryng, and pennyng. Regarding your honour to be amongst the rest: a very fit patrone for it, in consideration, that beynge, as yet, but in your flower, and tender age, and generally hoped, and accompted of in time, to become the cheefest stay of this your commonwealth, and country: you woulde receaue into your salf tuition, the written name, and description of that Britayne, whiche, as it is in part of your natiue soyle: so your duty biddeth you to defend and maintayne it. Here on, when your honour shalbe at leasure to looke, bestowynge suche regard as you are accustomed to doo on bookes of Geographie, Histories, and other good lernynge, wherin I am priuy your honour taketh singular delight: I doubt not, but you shall haue cause, to iudge your time very well applied. And so much the rather, for that in the studie of Geographie, it is expedient first to know exactly the situation of our owne home, where wee abide, before that wee shalbe able to iudge how other countries doo lie vnto vs, desides that it were a foule shame to be inquisitiue of the state of forreyne landes, and to be ignorant of our owne. As your honour beynge already perfectly instructed: is not now to learne at my hande. But for my part, it shal be sufficient, that your honour would dayn to accept this smale present, or rather therein my harty good wyl, which beying no otherwise able to gratefie the same: shall neuer cease to pray to God, that he would alwayes direct you in the commendable race of vertue, and learnynge which you haue begun, augment your honour with many degrees and in the end: reward you with immortall felicitie.
Your honours most humble at
commaundement:
Thomas Twyne.
1574: Dedication to Oxford in the only edition of George Baker‘s translation of “Oleum Magistrale”.
The Composition or
making of the moste excellent and pre-
tious Oil called Oleum Magistrale.
First published by the commaundement of the
King of Spain, vvith the maner hovv to apply
it particulerly. The which Oyl cureth these
disseases folowing. That is to say,Wounds
Contusions, Hargubuth shot, Cankers,
pain of the Raines, Apostumes,
Hemerhoids, olde Ulcers, pain
of the Joints and Gout, and
indifferently all maner of
disseases.
Also of the third booke of Galen of curing of
pricks and woulnds of Sinowes.A method of curing of vvounds
in the ioynts, and the maner
how to place them.Abreef gathering togither of certain er-
rours which the common Chirurgi-
ans dayly vis. They xxxxxxxx
and necessary for all Chirurgi-
ans & all other which are
desirous to knowe the
right method
of curing.
Faithfully gathered and translated
into English by Goerge
Baker Chirurguian,
1574.
The Epistle. Dedicatory.
TO THE RIGHT
honourable Edward de Vere
Earle of Oxford, Vicounbt Bul-
beck, Lord of Escales and Badles-
mere and Lord great Chamberlain
of England, his singular good
Lord and maister, George Ba-
ker vvisheth helth, long life
vvith much increace of
vertue & honor.IT IS NOT unknowene to any (right honorable) which haue beene but meanly conuersnat in good learning, how far the Gretians did surmount all the nations of the world in renown of vertue, learning, politique gouernment, and noble victoyes. For what nation dooth not reuerence their sages? what people dooth not imbrace their studyes? what Cittie dooth not desire their gouernment? what prouince was not subiect to their Empire? yea was not Grecia the Theatre, Spectacle and light of the whole world? were there not in it many famouse Citties whose peple & inhabitants for civilitie, whose lawes for policy, whose edifices for magnificence might seem Angelicall, deuine, and celestiall? as Athens and Thebes. &c.
But none more famous then the Cittie of Sparta, whiche by the space of vij c. yeeres excelled all the Cities of Grecia when they moste florished, both in renown of glory and equitie of lawes, & when they were subdued: this one cittie Sparta by defending them selues from forain inuasion atchiued more honor then whole Gracia did euer win by enlarging their Empire. For when Philip of Macedonia (in his conquest of those Ilandish Cuntreyes and his sonne Alexander after him at the winning of Thebes (were proclaimed Emperours of Sea and land, the Spartanes consented not therto nor would become tributoryes.
What should be the cause that this one Citie should lesse fear the force of Alexander then all other? how became it so inexpugnable? was it so strongly fortified with walles and Bulwarks and warlike munition? not at all. The courage of the Cititizens was their onely wall of defence. Did the name of Hercules (whose progenie they were) defend them? nay rather the good counsail of Licurgus made them invincible? who among other things exhorted them to indeuer to excel the whole world in renown of vertue and glory of valiantnes as their proginitour Hercules did, whiche if they did not: it were but vain to vaunt of their petydegree.
Can it be said that the multitude of Citizens made them strong that when by continuall warre the uumber was greatly diminished and their force much wekened? Surely by concord they were preserued.
Such is the strength that the obseruation of good lawes doth bring to common welths, such frutes, kindely braunches (not degenerating from a vertuous stock) do yeeld, such commodyties proceed from vertue, and contrary effects from contrary causes as may appeer in those same Lacedemonians which afterwards by degeneration were brought to the like thraldome that their neighbours were in, beeing at length more ashamed, then proud of their petydegree, more fearful, then glad of their long resistance. Such alteration folowed the chaunge of gernment when no iot of Licurgus lawes, nor any other steps of their progenitors vertues remained among them, but eche man neglected his othe giuen to the common welth, eche man as he was able most to prevail exercised tirany ouer his owne Citizens, eche man accounted that libertie to doo what liked him, to liue riotously and licentiously, eche man studied to enrich him self, to fortifye his owne house and to fether his owne nest. But in the mene time the strength of the common welth decayed and their forrain enemyes increaced, and at length they found by experience how pernitious a thing it is to abrogate good lawes, to chaunge the countenance of a wel gouuerned state. To race out the memory of their noble progenitors.
Which example (right Honorable) I wish to be marked of all noble families and famouse Cities, that therin they may consider that by vertue they are preserued and by degenderation they fall.
Yet doo I not wright these things to your honor by the way of exhortation: but rather as a testimony of that which is alredy apparant to all men, namely to you honors study carefully to ioyne the commendation of vertue with your nobilitie of blood and linage, whose desire it is (with noble Themistocles) so to aduance the glory of your cuntrey (wherby your owne honor is the more excellent) that no barbarous Siriphian may vpbraid your honor as though it depended onely of the nobilitie of your country and family, when as if opportunitie would serue your honor I dout not would be found in noble attempts and valeant acts nothing inferiour to Themistocles.
In the meane time among infinite tokens: this is one espetial signe of your honours heroicall minde, that is in courage, actiuitie and Chiualry, you your self seek to express Achilles and other noble personages, so also your honor doth hartely imbrace all suche as excel in any worthy vertue, whether it be to commend & adorne her with her semly coulours as Homer, &c or to attend like handmaids on her Hipocreates or Galen with their needful art of Chirurgiry, neither dooth your honor suffer them to passe vnrewarded, as may appeer by the moste parte of them which your honor hath entertained into your seruice as I my self haue had experience since it pleased your honor to entertain me (though farre vnworthy) for my profession in the art of Chirurgiry since the which time I haue accounted bothe my self and all my labours whatsoeuer, to be due vnto your honor. So that if by continuall study I might happely inuent, or by dayly practise in the art of Chirurgery finde out any mistery which other be, fore me had not obtained. I was fully purposed to consecrat and dedicate the fame vnto your name, not that I am so foolish to think that by any my inuentions & labours any thing shold be added to that huge hepe of your heroycal vertues, but partly because (as I haue said) I might transfere them to any other, beeing owing into your honor, and partely because the renown of your honours name might obtaine grace for my boldnesse, and bring credit to my labours.
But in the mean time till I shal be able of myne owne knowledge to ad some thing to the perfection of the Art and open some good rule to the releef of my countreymen: I haue aduentured to interpret one small work of the fatherly both Phisition and Chirurgion Galen, which I iudged moste necessary for our time, hauing ioyned the same with other treatises, no lesse fruteful then profitable.
Which woork although it agreeth nether with the dignity of your noble name, nore paraduenture is answerable to your honours oppinion and expectaon of me, and (whiche I must to your honour, who can bothe read and understand the same in the first tungs wherein the Authors have written: yet because other may be releued therby, I thought I might bothe easely obtain pardon, and also be bolde to use your honours curtesye and clemencye is vsually extended to all men which doth not vse to esteem such gifts as this according to the value, but accepting willingly the good meaning of the person.
Thus beseeching your honour to take in good parte this testimony of my thankfull hart suche as it is. I beseech also the Immortall God to vpholde the renown of your Honours name in the noble linage of your noble Progenitors.
You Honours humble
and obedient Seruent
George Baker.
Jan 30, 1575: Oxford’s Indenture and Schedule of Debts
[Essex Record Office D/DRg2/25
NB: All virgules represented here as commas.
NB: Lack of signatures, together the presence of seal-tags which seem never to have had seals attached, suggests that the document was not implemented.]
This indenture made the xxxth daye of Ianuarye in the Seavententh yere of the reigne of o{ur} soueraigne Ladye Elizabeth by the grace of god Quene of Englande, ffraunce and Irelande defender of the faithe &c [=30 January 1575].
Betwene the right honorable Edwarde de Veer Erle of Oxenforde Lorde greate chamberleyne of Englande, Vicount Bulbecke, and Lorde of Badlesmere and Scales of thone p{ar}tie, And the right honorable Thomas Erle of Sussex Vicount ffitzwater, Lorde Egremonde, and Burnell, knight of the most noble order of the garter, Captaine of the gent{lemen} penc{i}oners & gent{lemen} at armes, chief Iustice and Iustice in oier of all her maiesties fforrest{es}, p{ar}kes & chases on thisside Trente and Lorde Chamb{er}layne of her maiesties householde, The right honorable Rob{er}t Erle of Leicestre, Baron of Denbighe, of the most noble order of the garter knight, m{aste}r of the Quenes maiesties horse and of her highnes most honorable previe counsell, Thomas Cecill esquier, sonne and heire apparaunt, vnto the right honorable S{i}r Will{ia}m Cecill knight, Lorde Burghley and highe Theasaurer of England, S{i}r Will{ia}m Cordell knight, m{aste}r of the roll{es}, and Thomas Bromley Esquier, the Quenes mai{es}ties Solicito{ur} generall of thother p{ar}tie,
Witnesseth that whereas the said Erle of Oxenforde by good and laufull conveyaunce and assuraunce in the lawe is and at this p{rese}nte standeth laufully and solye seased in his demeasne as of fee to thonlye vse of the said Erle & of his heires foreu{er}, of & in the mano{ur}s, Lordeshipp{es}, farmes, land{es}, ten{amen}t{es}, & his [sic] hereditament{es} w{i}th their app{ur}ten{au}nc{es} whatsoeu{er} knowne & called by the seu{er}all name or names or either of them of Greyes, in Hedingham Sibley, Peppers, Prayers al{ia}s Bowerhall over yeldeham al{ia}s yeldeham p{ar}va, mauldon fflaunderswike, Bounches fflexlande Stansted mountffitchett, & the p{ar}ke there Bentfeilde Bury Burye logge [=lodge] in Stansted, Netherhall in Gestingthorp Brownes ten{amen}te in Topsfeilde p{ar}kes ten{amen}te in Gestingthorpe, Chelmissey wood neather yeldham, al{ia}s Muche yeldham, Barwick{es} and Scotnes, Shreves in Gaines Colne, Tilbery iuxta Clare, Pevers, Estonhall ffyngrythe, and Bumpsted Comitis in the countie of Essex, and of the mano{ur} of Estberholte, in the countie of Suff’, and of the Mano{ur} of Aston Samfforde in the countye of Buck, and of the mano{ur} of Eston mawdet in the Countie of North{amp}t{on} and of the mano{ur}s of Hornewoode, Barckwaye, & Nucell{es} in the countie of Herts’, & of the mano{ur}s of Swaffham Bulbeck and Abingdon magna in the Countie of Cambridge, and of the mano{ur} of fflete in the countie of Kente.
And whereas the saide Erle of Oxenforde is also seasid in his demeasne as of a freeholde, for terme of his lyfe, the remaynder over to the Lady Anne Countesse of Oxenforde, nowe wife of the saide Erle of Oxenforde, for tearme of her naturall lyfe, for and in full recompence & satisfacc{i}on of her dower, the remaynder over to the right heires of the saide Erle of and in the manors of Wyve{n}ho, Newers, Battelswicke, muche Bentley, Crepinghall, Crustwiche al{ia}s Crustwike, Iepcrake, Downehill, Dodinghurst, Gobions, Waltons, Colnewake & Lammershe, & of & in diu{er}s other Mano{ur}s, land{es}, ten{amen}t{es}, & hereditament{es} lymyted & conveyed for the Ioynto{ur} of the saide Countesse, as by the convey{a}unce thereof more fullie & at large appeareth
And where also the saide Erle of Oxenforde, is also seased in his demeasne as of fee of the mano{ur} of Todingston in the Countie of Suff’, the w{hi}ch mano{ur} togither w{i}th the mano{ur} of Canfeilde, in the Countie of Essex, and w{i}th the saide manno{ur}s, Lordeshipp{es}, farmes, land{es}, \\&// ten{amen}t{es} of wyvenho, Newers, Battelswike, muche Bentley, Dodinghurst, Lammershe, and Colnewake in the Countie of Essex, and Aldham, in the countye of Suff’, are by the laste will and testament of the right honorable Iohn De Veer late Erle of Oxenforde deceased, father of the saide Edwarde De Veer nowe Erle of Oxenforde, lymyted, disposed, assigned & appointed, to his executors, for certen yeres yetto com{m}e, for and towerd{es} thexecuc{i}on of his saide will, and payment of his debtes and legacies.
And where also the saide nowe Erle of Oxonforde, is also laufullye seased in his demeasne as of fee, of and in the mano{ur} of Campes ad castru{m} in the counties of Cambridge and Essex, The w{hi}ch togither w{i}th the p{ar}ke called Langham p{ar}ke in the Countie of Suff’, and seaven acres of meadowe, in Langham al{ia}s Lavenham & Cockfeilde in the aforesaide countye of Suff’, demysed w{i}th the saide p{ar}ke, & the mano{ur} of Elmsthorpe in the countye of Leicestre, and all other the land{es}, ten{amen}t{es}, & hereditament{es}, of the saide nowe Erle of Oxenforde, in Erleshelton, or elswhere in the saide countye of Leicestre, are by the saide Erle of Oxenforde, demysed, graunted, & lette to farme by Indenture bearing date the xxth daye of this present moneth of Ianuarye [=20 January 1575], vnto Thomas Cecill & Will{ia}m Cocke esquiers, for diu{er}s yeres yetto co{m}me, for the better maynten{au}nce of thestate & degree, of the saide Countesse, As by the same more fullye & at large doth & maye appeare.
And where also the said nowe Erle of Oxenforde is laufully seased in his demeasne as of fee tayle, the reu{er}c{i}on or remaynder beinge in o{ur} said sou{er}aigne Lady the Quenes maiestie her heires & successo{ur}s, of & in the mano{ur}s, land{es}, ten{amen}t{es}, & hereditament{es}, called or knowne by the seu{er}all name, or names, of Colne Priorye & certen land{es} in Playsto in Hawsted, Barwick{es}, in White Colne, gestingthorp, the p{ar}sonag{es} advowsons churches or chappell{es} of Colne Comitis greate Bentley Water Belchampe al{ia}s Bewchampe, Water Dover, Co{ur}te Harwiche, messinge, Coole alba in the countie of Essex, The mano{ur} of Engeston al{ia}s Hingston, The p{ar}sonage of Wickham in the countye of Cambridge, & all the p{ar}sonages advowsons vicaridg{es} & gift{es} of all ye foresaid townes & priorye or house called Hedingham Nunrey & the p{ar}sonag{es} advowsons & churches of Hedingham ad castru{m} & Gosfeilde in the said countie of Essex
Nowe the said ^\\Edward// Erle of Oxenforde mynding & fullie intendinge by the grace of god & the Quenes maiesties license tollerac{i}on & favo{ur} to travell beyonde the seas
And considering that at this p{rese}nte, he hathe not anye yssue of his boddye as yett borne & that yf he shoulde dye & decease, w{i}thout yssue of his boddye laufully begotten, Then all the hono{ur}s, mano{ur}s, Lordshipp{es}, land{es}, ten{amen}t{es}, & hereditament{es} whereof he shoulde dye seasid of a sole and ymediate estate in fee simple should by the lawes of this realme, by and after the Deathe of the saide Erle, discende & com{m}e vnto the lady Marye Veer sister of the saide Erle, beinge next of his kynne of the whole bloode, And all other the mano{ur}s, Lordshipp{es}, land{es}, ten{amen}t{es}, & hereditament{es}, whereof any convey{a}unce or assuraunce hath ben heretofore made to thuse of the saide nowe Erle of Oxenforde for tearms of his lyfe, the remaynder thereof after his decease to the saide countesse for terme of her lyfe, the remaynder thereof after her decease to the right heires of the saide Erle foreuer, shoulde reverte, remayne, or co{m}me, to the saide Lady Marye as sister, and next heire of the saide Erle of Oxenforde, of the whole bloode,
And that the manno{ur}s, Lordshipp{es}, land{es}, ten{amen}t{es}, & hereditament{es}, & all others whereof the saide nowe Erle of Oxenforde is laufully seased in fee tayle gen{er}all or speciall, the reu{er}c{i}ons or remaynders whereof is not, or is in o{ur} saide sou{er}aigne lady the Quenes ma{ies}tie her heires and successo{ur}s, shoulde or of right ought to reverte remayne or com{m}e, by & ymediatlye after the decease, of the saide Erle of Oxenforde, to some yssue male, of the boddye of the right honorable Iohn de Veer late Erle of Oxenforde, grandfather of the saide Erle that nowe is, whereby the possessions, manno{ur}s, lordshipp{es}, land{es}, ten{amen}t{es}, and hereditament{es}, of the saide nowe Erle of Oxenforde should be dismembred seu{er}ed & devyded, to the greate empayringe & hindraunce of that auncient Erldome house and famylie of Oxenforde,
And therefore the saide nowe Erle of Oxenforde remembrynge and considerynge the longe contynuance of his saide house & famylie, in the name of the Veers, whereof he is lyneallye discended in the grace & favo{ur} of the king{es} & princ{es} in whose tymes they haue lyvede, & in alliance and kindred w{i}th moste of the auncient nobilitie of this realme, & in the good will & good lykinge of the Co{mmon}altie of the same realme,
And havinge therefore a speciall desier & care to p{re}s{er}ue contynue and leave all or the most p{ar}te of his possessions, manno{ur}s, Lordeshipp{es}, land{es}, ten{amen}t{es}, & hereditament{es} whatsoeu{er} to some suche p{er}son of the name as in his opinion is moste likelye to p{re}s{er}ue maynteyne and contynue the saide honorable house famylie and name moste like to his noble auncestors yf it shoulde fortune the saide Erle of Oxenforde to dye) w{i}thout yssue male of his boddye, and for a competent p{ro}vision for suche yssue female, as it maye please god to sende to the saide nowe Erle of Oxenforde
And in considerac{i}on also of the speciall good will naturall love and affecc{i}on w{hi}ch he the saide nowe Erle of Oxenforde beareth to his welbelouid cosin Hughe Veer esquier, sonne & heire of apparent of Awbrey Veer esquier eldest vncle of the saide Erle of Oxenforde & of the greate hope w{hi}ch he the saide Erle of Oxenforde hathe and conceyveth of his well doinge rather then of anye other of his cosins or kindred
And in considerac{i}on of the good will and naturall love & affecc{i}on w{hi}ch he the saide Erle of Oxenforde beareth to Iohn Veer esquier sonne and heire apparaunt of Rob{er}t Veer esquier seconde vncle of the saide Erle of Oxenforde and to Iohn Veer esquier sonne & heire of Gefferye Veer esquier deceased, thirde vncle of the saide Erle of Oxenforde and to ffraunc{es} Veer esquier seconde sonne of the said Gefferye And to Rob{er}t Veer esquier thirde sonne of the saide Gefferye And to Horatius Veer esquier fourthe sonne of the saide Gefferye & to his saide sister the lady Mary Veer,
And for ^\\the// better advaunceme{n}t of the saide Lady Mary in mariage & for encrease of her porc{i}on yf it fortune the saide Erle of Oxenforde that nowe is to dye w{i}thout yssue male of his boddye laufully begotten w{hi}ch the saide Iohn De Veere late Erle of Oxenforde father of the saide Erle that nowe is by his last will and testament did bequethe vnto her
And in considerac{i}on that due payment shalbe had and made of suche debt{es} as the saide nowe Erle of Oxenforde dothe owe vnto diu{er}s p{er}sons, the seu{er}all somes whereof are menc{i}oned in a Cedule [=schedule] indentid to these p{re}sent Indentures annexed amountyng in the whole to the some of (blank) All w{hi}ch debt{es} & all other debt{es} of the said nowe Erle of Oxenforde He the saide nowe Erle myndeth intendeth and desyereth to haue paide in as shorte tyme as the same wilbe levyed raysed and receyved of the p{ro}fitt{es} yssues & revenues of his saide manno{ur}s, Lordeshipp{es}, landes, ten{amen}t{es}, & hereditament{es}, & of all other his manno{ur}s, lordshipp{es}, land{es}, ten{amen}t{es}, & hereditament{es}, over & besides the yerely charg{es} heretofore graunted or by any other meanes going oute of the same
And in considerac{i}on that the saide Lady Mary & others maye be paide & answered of their legacies to them willed & bequethed by the saide Iohn late Erle of Oxenforde father to the saide nowe Erle of Oxenforde & to thintent the due debt{es} of the saide Iohn late Erle of Oxenforde father to the saide nowe Erle of Oxenforde maye be likewise satisfied & paide
It is therefore for all & eu{er}y the considerac{i}ons aforesaide, coven{au}nted graunted condiscended concluded <& agreed b>y & betwene the saide p{ar}ties to thies p{rese}nt{es} in man{er} & forme followinge that is to saye The saide Erle of Oxenforde for him & his heires coven{au}nteth & graunteth to & w{i}th the saide Thomas Erle of Sussex Rob{er}t Erle of Leicestre Thomas Cecill S{i}r Will{ia}m Cordell and Thomas Bromeley and eu{er}y of them, their heires & y of them by thies p{rese}nt{es}
ide Erle of Oxenforde & his heires & euery other p{er}son & p{er}sons whatsoeu{er} w{hi}ch shall in any wise stande or be seased of the p{re}mysses or of any p{ar}te thereof shall & will from the daye of the date of these p{rese}nt{es} stande ^\\& be seased of// and in all and singuler the mano{ur}s, land{es}, ten{amen}t{es}, hereditament{es}, & other the p{re}mysses, to thonely & seu{er}all vse & vses intent{es} [sic] hereafter in thies p{rese}nt{es} menc{i}oned declared & expressed & to none other vses, intent{es} or purposes & vnder suche condic{i}ons p{ro}visions & determynac{i}ons as are hereafter exp{re}ssed (that is to saie) of and in all the manno{ur}s, Lordeshipp{es}, landes, ten{amen}t{es}, & hereditament{es}, of the said nowe Erle of Oxonforde & of all other the p{re}mysses whatsoeuer named exp{re}ssed or menc{i}oned in thies p{rese}nt{es} to the vse of Barnerde Dewhurste gent{leman} & of Edward Hubbert gent{leman} receavo{ur} gen{er}all to the saide Erle of Oxenforde their executo{ur}s & assignes for & durynge suche tyme & vntill they the saide Barn{er}de Dewhurst & Edwarde Hubbert their executo{ur}s and administrato{ur}s or assignes shall or maye of & w{i}th the yerelye rent{es} & revenues of all the premysses rayse receave levye & way <…> the said legacies of the saide late Erle of Oxenforde father to the saide nowe Erle of Oxenforde & all suche debt{es} & some & somes of money as are menc{i}oned declared and exp{re}ssed in the saide Cedule indentid to thies p{rese}nt{es} annexed amountyng in the whole to the some of (blank) or thereabout{es} & all other laufull & due debt{es} aswell of the saide nowe Erle of Oxonforde as of the saide late Erle his father sufficient & good p{ro}fe of the same being made to the saide Erles of Sussex and Leicestre, Thomas Cecill s{i}r Will{ia}m Cordell & Thomas Bromeley or to the s{ur}viuo{ur}s or s{ur}viuo{ur} of them or f thexecuto{ur}s inistrato{ur}s or assignes of the s{ur}viuo{ur} of them
And further the will and intente of the saide Edwarde nowe Erle of Oxenforde is, That all and eu{er}y suche parson and parsons whatsoeuer to whome the saide right honorable Iohn De Veer late the Erle of Oxenforde father of the saide nowe Erle or the saide Edwarde Deveer nowe Erle haue at anye tyme heretofore gyven graunted lymyted appointed or assigned any penc{i}ons porc{i}ons anuyties rent{es} charg{es} or payment{es} whatsoeuer yssuinge going out or arrysinge oute of the p{re}mysses or out of anye parte or p{ar}cell thereof w{hi}ch ben in lawe owe due and payable shall and maye laufullye quietlye and peasably haue holde levye p{er}ceive and take all and eu{er}y suche penc{i}ons porc{i}ons annuyties rent{es} charg{es} & payment{es} whatsoeu{er} accordinge to the purport true meanynge and intent of suche gyft{es} graunt{es} lymytac{i}ons appointme{n}t{es} & assigneme{n}t{es} as are to them seu{er}allye made
And further for the good considerac{i}ons intent{es} & purposes before declared, The saide Erle of Oxenforde for him his heires and executors coven{au}nteth & graunteth to and w{i}th the saide Erle of Suff’ & Erle of Leicestre Thomas Cecill S{i}r Will{ia}m Cordell & Thomas Bromley and their heires executo{ur}s administrato{ur}s and assignes and eu{er}y of them by thies p{rese}nt{es}, That ymediatlie from and after suche tyme as the saide debt{es} & legaces [sic] shall or maye be fullye satisfied, contentid or paide accordinge to the true intente and meanyng of thies p{rese}nt{es}
And after the determynac{i}on of thestate or interest of the saide Barnerde Dewhurste and Edwarde Hubberte lymyted and appoynted by thies p{rese}nt{es} That he the saide Erle of Oxenforde & his heires and eu{er}y other p{er}son & p{er}sons w{hi}ch shalbe seased of the premysses or of any p{ar}te thereof Except the hono{ur} Castell & manno{ur}s of Heddingham & Erles Colne & other the mano{ur}s, land{es}, ten{amen}t{es}, and hereditament{es}, exp{re}ssed or menc{i}oned in the last coven{au}nt of thies p{rese}nt{es} & except the manno{ur}s, land{es}, ten{amen}t{es}, & hereditament{es}, whereof the reuerc{i}on or remaynder nowe is in o{ur} saide sou{er}aigne Lady the Quenes maiestie) shall and will stande and be seased of all & singuler the mano{ur}s, land{es}, ten{amen}t{es}, & hereditament{es}, of the saide nowe Erle of Oxenforde & of all other the p{re}mysses (except before exceptid) to thuse of the saide nowe Erle of Oxonforde & of theires males of his boddye laufullye begotten
And for defaulte of heires males of the boddy of the saide nowe Erle of Oxonforde to thuse of theires males of the boddie of the saide nowe Erle vntill eu{er}y of the heires and daughters females of the saide nowe Erle of Oxonforde shall or maye w{i}th the yerelie rent{es} & reuenues of the premisses to them lymyted, be satisfied or paide The seu{er}all somes of Three Thowsande Pounds for eu{er}y suche heire female or daughter towerd{es} their p{re}ferment & advauncement in maryage & for defaulte of suche heires males & females of the boddy of the saide nowe Erle of Oxonforde, then to thuse and behof of the saide Lady Mary sister of the saide nowe Erle of Oxonforde vntill suche tyme as she shall or maye be paide or answered of the som{m}e of one thowsande Pound{es} of laufull money of Englande over and besid{es} the legacye to her gyven by her saide father And for defaulte of heires males of the boddie of the saide nowe Erle of Oxonforde
And after the saide somes of money shall or maye be levyed as is aforesaide by theires females or daughters of the saide nowe Erle of Oxonforde & by the saide Lady Mary as is before exp{re}ssed then to thonly vse of the saide Hughe Veer esquier sonne & heire apparaunt of the said Awbrey Veer esquires [sic] eldest vncle of the saide nowe Erle of Oxonforde for & duryng his naturall lyfe w{i}thout ympeachement of any man{er} of waste
And after the decease of the saide Hughe, Then for so muche of the p{re}mysses before lymyted to the saide Hughe, not excedynge the yerely value of foure hundreth Pound{es} of laufull money of Englande as the saide Hughe shall lymytt or appointe for the Ioynture of any his wife or wifes to thuse of suche wife & wifes for terme of their lyves for their Ioyntures and in recompence of their dowers & after the decease of suche wyfe & wyfes for suche of the p{re}mysses as shalbe so assigned as is aforesaide & shall not excede the yerely value aboue menc{i}oned
And for all the resydue of the premysses not assigned to thuse & behoof of the first sonne of the boddye of the saide Hughe Veer laufully to be begotten & of theires males of the boddye of the said firste sonne laufully to be begotten & for defaulte of suche heires to thuse of the seconde sonne of the said Hughe & of theires males of the boddie of the saide seconde sonne laufully to be begotten And for defaulte of suche heires males to thuse of the thirde sonne of the saide Hughe Veer And of theires males of the boddy of the saide thirde sonne laufully to be begotten And for defaulte of suche heires males to thvse of the ffoureth sonne of the saide Hughe Veer & of theires males of the boddie of the saide foureth sonne laufully to be begotten And for defaulte of suche heires males to thuse of the ffifte sonne of the saide Hughe Veer & of theires males of the boddye of the saide ffifte sonne laufully to be begotten And for defaulte of suche heires males to thuse of the sixte sonne of the saide Hughe Veer & of theires males of the boddye of the saide sixte sonne laufully to be begotten And for default of suche heires males to thuse of the seaventh sonne of the saide Hughe Veer & of theires males of the boddye of the saide seaventh sonne laufully to be begotten And for default of suche heires males to thuse of the Eight sonne of the said Hughe Veer & of theires males of the boddye of the saide Eight sonne laufully to be begotten And for default of suche heires males to thuse of the nynthe sonne of the saide Hughe Veer & of theires males of the boddye of the saide nynthe sonne laufully to be begotten And for defaulte of suche heires males to thuse of the tenthe sonne of the saide Hughe Veer & of theires males of the boddie of the saide tenthe sonne laufully to be begotten And for default of suche heires males to thuse of the heires males of the boddy of the saide Hughe Veer laufully to be begotten. And for default of suche heires males of the boddye of the said Hughe Veer laufully to be begotten, Then to thuse of the saide Iohn Veer esquier sonne and heire apparaunt of the saide Robert Veer esquier seconde vncle of the saide Erle & to theires males of his boddie laufully begotten And for defaulte of suche heires males then to thuse & behoof of Iohn Veer Esquier sonne and heire of the saide Geffrey Veer Esquier & for defaulte of suche heires then to thuse & behoof of ffraunc{es} Vere esquier seconde sonne of the saide Gefferey Vere & to theires males of the boddy of the said ffraunc{es} laufully begotten & for defaulte of suche heires males then to thuse & behoof of Robert Veer esquier thirde sonne of the said Gefferey Veer & of theires males of his boddie laufullie begotten & for defaulte of suche heires males of the boddy of the said Rob{er}t Veer sonne of the said Gefferey then to thuse & behoof of the said Horatious Veer esquier fourth sonne of the saide Gefferey & of theires males of his boddy laufullie begotten
And for defaulte of suche heires then & thencefo{ur}th to thuse of the saide Edwarde nowe Erle of Oxonforde & of his heires & assignes foreu{er}
Provided alwaies & it is further coven{au}nted graunted condiscended & agreed to & w{i}th the saide p{ar}ties to thies p{rese}nt{es} their heires executo{ur}s & assignes that it shalbe laufull to and for the saide nowe Erle of Oxenforde at any tyme during his lyfe by writing indented enrolled in any of the Quenes maiesties co{ur}tes of recorde, to alter, revoke, chaunge, or vtterlye vndoe determyn & extinguishe all & eu{er}y vse, vses, condic{i}ons lymytac{i}ons estates & intent{es} in thies p{rese}nt{es} before lymyted & esp{ec}ified (except the saide estates & vses lymyted for payment of all the saide debt{es} & legacies towching or concerning the aforesaid mano{ur}s, land{es}, ten{amen}t{es}, & hereditament{es}, or any p{ar}te or p{ar}cell thereof & to lymytte & appointe the same to suche p{er}son & p{er}sons of suche estate & estates as to the saide Erle of Oxenforde shalbe thought convenyent w{hi}ch shalbe enioyed after suche tyme as the saide debt{es} & legacies shall or maye be paide, & not before in any wise
And that after suche alterac{i}on chaunge lymytac{i}on determynac{i}on or extinguishement had made & don as is aforesaide the same mano{ur}s, land{es}, ten{amen}t{es}, & hereditament{es}, or any of them or any p{ar}te or p{ar}cell of the same whereof suche alterac{i}on change, determynac{i}on or extinguishment shalbe made or had as is aforesaide shalbe after suche tyme as the saide debt{es} & legaces shall or maye be paide to suche vse & vses & in such man{er} & forme as shalbe exp{re}ssed & declared in suche dede indentid & to none other vse nor in any other man{er} This Indenture or any vse vses lymytac{i}ons condic{i}ons estates or other thing thing{es} in the same esp{ec}ified to the contrary notw{i}thstandyng
And further the saide Erle of Oxenford for him his heires executo{ur}s & assignes coven{au}nteth & graunteth to & w{i}th the saide Erle of Sussex Erle of Leicestre Thomas Cecill S{i}r Will{ia}m Cordell and Thomas Bromeley their heires executo{ur}s & assignes That he the saide Erle of Oxonforde before the ffeaste of Easter nexte ensuyng the date of thies p{rese}nts at the p{ro}per cost{es} & charg{es} of the same Erle of Oxonforde shall & will by fyne or fynes recouerye or recoueryes or otherwise laufully & sufficientlye assure vnto the saide Thomas Bromeley & Edwarde [for William] Cordell & their heires all the mano{ur} [for mano{ur}s], land{es}, ten{amen}t{es}, & hereditament{es}, w{i}th thapp{ur}tena{au}nces of the saide nowe Erle of Oxonforde knowne or called by the seu{er}all name or names of the honor, mano{ur}, Lordeshipp, or Castle of Heddingham ad Castru{m} & vplande heddingham Borowe Erles Colne Canfeilde al{ia}s Canfeilde magna Burnett{es} in Stansted Mountfitchett Vaws Coomeforde myll & certen out m{ar}shes in Wenington Rainham & Alveley in the countie of Essex the mano{ur} of Lavenh{a}m in the countie of Suff’ the honor or mano{ur} of Whitchurche in the countie of Buck the mano{ur}s of Thorpe Mulso & Marsun Trusell in the countie of North{amp}t{on}, the mano{ur}s of Thornecome & Colbroke in the countie of Devon & tenne pound{es} of annuall rente yssuynge & goinge oute of certen land{es} & woods called Scales p{ar}ke in the countie of Heref’ w{i}th assuraunce & convey{a}unce to be made of the premysses last before menc{i}oned or of any p{ar}te or p{ar}cell thereof by the saide nowe Erle of Oxenforde vnto the saide Thomas Bromeley & Edwarde Cordell & their heires shalbe to thuse of the saide Barn{er}de Dewhurste & Edwarde Hubbert their executo{ur}s & assignes vntill all the saide debt{es} & legacies shall or maye be levied & paide as is aforesaide & after to thuse & behoof of the saide nowe Erle of Oxonforde & theires males of his boddy laufully begotten & for defaulte of suche yssue then to all & eu{er}y the vses & intent{es} before in thies p{rese}nts lymyted & vnder suche condic{i}ons lymytac{i}ons & determynac{i}ons as are before in thies p{rese}nt{es} menc{i}oned & to noe other vses intent{es} or purposes
In witnes whereof the saide p{ar}ties to thies p{rese}nte Indentures haue Interchaungeablye putt their Seall{es} Yeoven [=Given] the daye and yere first aboue written.
SEALS [DOCUMENT NOT FULLY SIGNED AND SEALED]
[Schedule of debts]
To the Quenes maiestie iijM iiijC lvijli 3457-00-00
To Robert Cannock xlli 40-00-00
To Edwarde Howsden xli 10-00-00
To (blank) Aldred xli 10-00-00
To Iohn Peryn xxvijli 27-00-00
To Arthure Harris Esquier xxli 20-00-00
To (blank) Bladwyn xli 10-00-00
To Thomas Pecock xli 10-00-00
To Iohn Goslinge in the
right of his wife iiijli 4-00-00
To Thomas Tyler xjli 11-00-00
To Will{ia}m Storer Lli 50-00-00
To Hugh Hill{es} xiiijli 14-00-00
To Derick Vancleave xli ijs 10-02-00
To Will{ia}m Hinxman iiijli 4-00-00
To Robert Grenewoodde xvjli vijs 16-07-00
To Will{ia}m Rowe iiijC xlixli xijs xjd 449-12-11
To (blank) Lowen iijC xlviijli iiijs vjd 348-04-06
To Piero Paylies Lviijli viijs 58-08-00
To Henrick Bitmaker xjli 11-00-00
To (blank) Hudleston esquier xijli 12-00-00
To Thomas Cocke xxxvjli 36-00-00
To Thomas Thornes xxxiijli iiijs 33-04-00
To Richard Bowser CCxlli 240-00-00
To Thomas Nogey xxiiijli ijs viijd 24-02-08
To Cornelius Godfrey iiijXXli xvijs 80-17-00
To (blank) Toy iijXXijli 62-00-00
To Thexecutours of Nicholas de le ffley xxvjli 26-00-00
To Edwarde Compton mercer xxvli xvs vjd 25-15-06
To Margarett Dane Widowe Cixli xvs 109-15-00
To Barnabye Harrolde vjli 6-00-00
To Iohn (blank) a baker vjli 6-00-00
To Edmonde Moore iijli vjs viijd 3-06-08
To Ellis Iohnes vijli xvs 7-15-00
To (blank) Martyn Goldsmyth xlli 40-00-00
To Roger ffarthinge xvli 15-00-00
To Anthonye (blank) xxxixli 39-00-00
To (blank) vpholster xiijli 13-00-00
To (blank) Smith Imbroderer xixli 19-00-00
To Iasper (blank) and to (blank) xiijli vjs 13-06-00
To (blank) Mabbe iiijXXxvli vjs viijd 95-06-08
To (blank) (blank) Iueler Cxli xiijs vjd 110-13-06
To (blank) Mornynge iiijXXxijli xs 92-10-00
To Robert Payne viijli xviijs 8-18-00
To (blank) Arnolde vjli 6-00-00
To Will{ia}m Bruster xvjli 16-00-00
To (blank) Stutfeilde xijli 12-00-00
To Iohn Orpyn ffarrio{ur} xli 10-00-00
To Martyn Dorehouse vli xvs 5-15-00
To Thomas Pecock xxjli xiijs xd 21-13-10
To Robert Braybroke xxxijs ijd 1-12-02
To certen Carters of Hedingham for stuff car{rying} xls 2-00-00
To George Mannynge iijli xvijs 3-17-00
To (blank) fenner xxiijs xd 1-03-10
To Iohn Larde xiiijs xd 0-14-10
To Edward Moyse xiijs viijd 0-13-08
To the widowe Charles xxxjs vjd 1-11-06
To Arnolde Stope xxjs 1-01-00
To Robert Rogers xiijs iiijd 0-13-04
To Will{ia}m Stratton iiijs viijd 0-04-08
To Thomas Aldust vli xiijs ixd 5-13-09
To Henry Myche xls 2-00-00
To (blank) Clerk xiijs vjd 0-13-06
To (blank) Hanwick{es} xli xvs viijd 10-15-08
To (blank) Dabbes Armorer iijli iiijs 3-04-00
To (blank) Hasenett Baker vli 5-00-00
To Andrin Blomvile iijli vjs viijd 3-06-08
To Thomas Morrant Iohn Wakering
and Iohn Browne vjli xs vjd ob 6-10-06-1/2
To (blank) Burges vjli xijd 6-01-00
To Robert Cooke xxiijs iiijd 1-03-04
To (blank) Charnock xxli 20-00-00
To Henry Smyth xxxijs 1-12-00
To Richard Iefferies xxxvijs 1-17-00
To Thomas fflaskett hab{er}dassher CiijXXiiijli xvs 164-15-00
To Thomas Waye xxxvli vjs viijd 35-06-08
To Thomas Batt{es} Cxxxvijli vjs 137-06-00
To Richard Holmeade Cli xvs viijd 100-15-08
To (blank) Blunt xxli 20-00-00
To Humfrey Stevens xijli iiijs iiijd 12-04-04
To Humfrey White iijXXxviijli xjs 78-11-00
To Will{ia}m Storer aforesaide xxvjli 26-00-00
To Launcelott Burton CCLli iijs xjd 250-03-11
To (blank) Webbe Draper Liiijli 54-00-00
To Henry Campion Liiijli iijs 54-03-00
To Christofer Wilton CiiijXXli 180-00-00
To Thomas Newton Imbroderer iijXXiijli xijs 63-12-00
To Iohn Marten Taylo{ur} iijXXli 60-00-00
To Rouland Wynter iijli 3-00-00
To (blank) ffarraunt xxli 20-00-00
To Iohn ffuller xli 10-00-00
To (blank) Wigington viijli 8-00-00
To Will{ia}m Lusard ixli viijs 9-08-00
To Robert Rodes viijli 8-00-00
To (blank) Kympton Draper vjli xijd 6-01-00
To Will{ia}m Hubbert vjli xiijs iiijd 6-13-04
To (blank) Walker ixli vijs vjd 9-07-06
To Margarett Crathorne widowe Lijs 2-12-00
To Richard Bowser xxijli ijs 22-02-00
To Thomas Skynner mercer CCCxxxvijli 337-00-00
To him more CCCiiijXXjli xijs xjd 381-12-11
To Mr Skynner more CCli 200-00-00
To Richard Kyes gent xli 10-00-00
To Robert Rosse by warr{ant} Lli 50-00-00
To (blank) Weber for lace deliuered to
Will{ia}m Rosewell Taylo{ur}
for my L{ords} vse iiijXXxixli ixs ixd 99-09-09
To (blank) ffenney and the watermen iiijli ixs iiijd 4-09-04
To Edward Clere for his annuytie of
xxli a yere due Lli 50-00-00
To the Lady Golding Cvjli vs 106-05-00
To (blank) Charnock more Lxli vs viijd 60-05-08
To Anne Archpole Executrixe of Nich{ol}as
Archepole S{ur}geon vjli xs 6-10-00
To (blank) Batt{es} afforesaid more xijli ixs vd 12-09-05
To (blank) fflaskett aforesaid more xlli 40-00-00
To Will{ia}m Rosewell Taylo{ur} or to his assignes Ljli 51-00-00
To (blank) ffowle xli 10-00-00
To (blank) Veer xli 10-00-00
To (blank) Baker xli 10-00-00
To my Lady marye arrerages of her fee Lxxli 70-00-00
To Mr Hayes Receyvo{ur} of Essex for Tenthes
due at Michaelmas last Lxvjli 66-00-00
To Mr Hugh Veer his ffee behinde due xxli 20-00-00
To Nicholas Bleake Liiijli vjs ijd 54-06-02
To Iohn more xli viijs 10-08-00
To (blank) yardeley Shomaker xxxli 30-00-00
To Thomas Crane w{i}th xxvli vjs ixd for the
(blank) in full allowaunce of his
whole accompt xlli 40-00-00
To (blank) Baker xvjli xvs 16-15-00
To the Executours of Knightley xviijli xvs 18-15-00
To Edward Worseley xlli 40-00-00
To George Goldinge gent’ for his
charges & paynes in attendaunce
about my Lordes s{er}uice and
busines heretofore at sondry tymes xlli 40-00-00
To Richard Kelton Lvijli xjs iiijd 57-11-04
To Iohn Newsame Taylo{ur} viijli ixs 8-09-00
To Holmeade Taylo{ur} vli 5-00-00
To (blank) Shoemaker vli 5-00-00
And also for that there maye be othe [for other] debt{es} and duties that the said Erle doth owe and not named or menc{i}oned in this scedule Therefore the saide Erle hath appoynted the right honorable S{i}r Will{ia}m Cecill of the most honorable order of the garter knight Baron of Burghley and L{ord} High Treasourer of England or suche other p{er}son or p{er}sons as the said L{ord} Burghley shall appoint to examyne the same and all and somuche thereof as by his or theire discresc{i}on shalbe thought due shalbe paide in maner and fourme as the debt{es} in this scedule menc{i}oned are appoynted to be paide /
[Transcriber’s summary
Total debts excluding debt to the Queen = £5639-10-08-1/2
Total debt to the Queen = £3457-00-00
Total debts including debt to the Queen = £9096-10-08-1/2]
[Thanks to Alan Nelson for text.]
1577 Dedication to Oxford in John Brooke’s The Staff of Christian Faith.
THE STAFFE
of Christian Faith, profi-
table to all Christians, for to arme them-
selves agaynst the enimies of the Gospell:
and also for to know the anti-
quitie of our holy fayth
and of the true
Church.
Gathered out of the vvorks of the ancient Doctors
of the Church, and of the Councels, and many o-
ther Doctors, vvhose names you shall see here
follovving. Translated out of Frenche
into English, by John Brooke
of Ashe next Sand-
vviche.
With a Table to finde out all that which
is contayned in the booke.EPHES. 6.
Put on the vvhole armour of God, that ye maye
stande stedfast agaynst the craftie assaultes of the
Deuill.Imprinted at London
by Iohn Daye, dwelling ouer
Aldersgate.
ANNO. 1577.
Cum Priuilegio.
To the Right honourable
and his singular good Lorde and maister
Edwarde de Vere, Lorde d’Escales, and Ba-
dlesinere, vicount Bulbecke, Earle of Oxenforde,
and Lorde great Chamberlayne of Englande,
Iohn Brooke vvisheth long lyfe,
vvith the increase of
honor.&c.A LTHOUGH VER
tue the roote of well doing
(Right honorable Lorde)
hath of it selfe, sufficient
force to withstande, repell,
and ouerthrowe, both the
open malice, and secrete slaunders of euill tongues, yet notwithstanding considering howe dangerous, yea howe vnpossible a thing it is to escape that poysoned sting of Zoilus, and also that nothing hath euer ben so well done, but that this Scorpion hath eyther openly or priuily stong, I nede not to doubt, nay I may be right sure, that these my labors shal come into the hands of some, more curious than wyse, more ready to nippe and tant (yea euen withoute fault) then frendly to admonsihe or amende. By occasi-
on whereof (right honorable and my singu-lar good Lorde) I haue not only thought it expedient for hope of your honours fauou-rable patronage, towardes these also my la-boures bestowed in translation: But also for respect of my particular duetie towardes your honor, to offer and dedicate the same likewyse to your fauorable allowance and well liking. For if in the opinion of all men, there can be found no one more fitte, for pa-tronage and defence of learning, then the skilfull: for that he is both wyse and able to iudge and discerne truly thereof. I vnder-standing righte well that your honor hathe continually, euen from your tender years, bestowed your time and trauayle towardes the attayning of the same, as also the vni-uersitie of Cambridge hath acknowledged in graunting and giuing vnto you such com-mendation and prayse thereof, as verily by righte was due vnto your excellent vertue and rare learning. Wherin verily Canbridge the mother of learning, and learned men, hath openly confessed: and in this hir con-fessing made known vnto al men, that your honor being learned and able to uidge as a safe harbor and defence of learning, and therefore one most fitte to whose honorable patronage I might safely commit this my poore and simple labours. Likewyse remem-bring howe much and many wayes I am by dutye bounde vnto your honor, as also howe vnable I am to discharge the same: I haue thought it in respecte also of my behalfe and duty, most meete to offer and exhibite, such trauelles as my abilitie and skill can reache vnto, to your Lordship as pledge and token of my dutifull and vnfained good wil: To the ende that such profyt as by this my trauels may growe to my countrey and com-mon wealthes, may be receiued vnder your Lordshyppes approbation and defence: that all men which dow reape benefyte thereby, should owe thankes vnto you in whose duety and good will I am. Wherefore hartely re-quiring and humbly beseeching your Lorde-shippe to take on you the patronage and de-fence of these my labors by translation that by your approbation and well liking, others may also the rather like thereof. Crauing pardon for this my symple boldnesse or ra-ther bolde symplicitie hoping also of the continuance of your honors accustomed goodnesse towardes mee, and instantlye praying to God for your prosperous e-
state, I cease further at this
time to sollicite
you.Your honors obedient ser-
uant, Iohn Brooke.
Aug 14, 1578 Letter from Bernardino de Mendoza to Zayas on Oxford’s refusal to dance before Alençon’s envoys.
This Queen has greatly feasted Alençon’s ambassador, and on one occasion when she was entertaining him at dinner she thought the sideboard was not so well furnished with pieces of plate as she would like the Frenchman to have seen it; she therefore called the earl of Sussex, the Lord Steward, who had charge of these things, and asked him how it was there was so little plate. The Earl replied that he had, for many years, accompanied her and other sovereigns of England in their progresses, and he had never seen them take so much plate as she was carrying then. The Queen told him to hold his tongue, that he was a great rogue, and that the more good that was done to people like him the worse they got. She then turned to a certain North, who was there in the room, and asked him whether he thought there was much or little plate on the sideboard, to which he replied there was very little, and threw the blame on Sussex. When North left the Queen’s chamber, Sussex told him that he had spoke wrongly and falsely in what he said to the Queen, whereupon North replied that if he, Sussex, did not belong to the Council he would prove what he said to his teeth. Sussex then went to Leicester and complained of the knavish behaviour of North but Leicester told him that the words he used should not be applied to such persons as North. Sussex answered that, whatever he might think of the words, North was a great knave, so that they remained offended with one another as they had been before on other matters. This may not be of importance, but I have thought well to relate it so that you may see how easily matters here may now be brought into discord if care be taken on one side to insure support against eventualities. The next day the Queen sent twice to tell the earl of Oxford, who is a very gallant lad, to dance before the ambassadors, whereupon he replied that he hoped her Majesty would not order him to do so as he did not want to entertain Frenchmen. When the Lord Steward took him the message the second time, he replied that he would not give pleasure to Frenchmen, nor listen to such a message, and with that he left the room. He is a lad who has a great following in the country, and has requested permission to go and serve his Highness, which the Queen refused, and asked him why he did not go and serve the Archduke Mathias; to which he replied that he would not serve another sovereign than his own, unless it were a very great one, such as the king of Spain.
[Calender of Letters and State Papers relating to English Affairs, Vol. II. Elizabeth, 1568-1579, p. 606.]
Apr 8, 1579 Letter from Bernardino de Mendoza to the King on Oxford as a proposed hostage.
With respect to giving hostages for the coming of Alençon, it is proposed that the earls of Surrey and Oxford and Lord Windsor should be chosen, because, although they are only youths, their houses are very ancient and of high rank.
[Calender of Letters and State Papers relating to English Affairs, Vol. II. Elizabeth, 1568-1579, p. 662.
1579: Dedication to Oxford in the only edition of Geoffrey Gates’ The Defence of Militarie profession.
THE
Defence of Militarie
professionWherein is eloquently shewed
the due commendation of Martiall
prowesse, and plainly prooued
how necessary the exercise
of Armes is for this
our age.IMPRIN-
ted at London by Hen-
ry Middleton, for
Iohn Harison.1579
TO THE RIGHT
honorable, Edward de Vere, Earle of
Oxenford, vicount Bulbecke, Lod of Escales
and Baldesmere, and Lord great Cham-
berlaine of England.Experience beareth such a soueraigntie ouer all thinges humane and diuine, that without it the qaulity or power either of worde, deede, deuise, or matter, cannot make it selfe knowen to the vnderstanding of men: for the heauenly trueth iustifieth it selfe by the effects of his nature and power, made apparent to the eyes & capacities of earthly creatures.Adam not well staid vpon the trueth of Gods word, transgressed the commandement, & feeling the plagues of his offence, had thereby experience of the power & trueth of his Almightie Creator.
The firste worlde ouerflowing in wickedness, was drowned in the flood of Gods vengeance: to geeue experience to the world that ensued, what it is to contemne this worde and Prophets.
Noah beleeued the word of the Lord, and obeying his commandement, prepared the Arke & was saued in the flood, he & all his family: by experience wherof the world is made to vunderstand the power and assurance of Gods trueth and fauour towarde his elect people.
The Lord willed Moses to denounce his plagues against Egypt, and in the effect of his power & trueth he accomplished the same vpon man and beast, vpon fruit and tree, vpon earth and water: the experience whereof made Moses and the Israelites so hardie in fayth, that they tooke their way through the Red Sea, as through the fieldes on dire land.
Pharao in the hardnesse of his heart pursued the Israelites, and was drowned, he and all his armie in the pathes where Iacob went drye shod: whereby all the kings and princes of the earth had & haue experience, what it is to contemne God, to persecute his people, & to despise his worde and ministers.
The like experience made Iosuah bolde to leade Israel through the deepe waters of Iordan: where they passed on foot, and went dry shod to land.
The Israelites breaking the couenant of the Lorde their God, & standing in their rebellion were destroied out of the land of Iudah, and Ierusalem, and made slaues to the Chaldeans: whereby they were taught by experience (and so are wee by the same example) what it is to despise the Lord of hostes, and to stand in disobedience against his maiestie.
The Lord restoring Iacob out of Chaldea to his inheritance againe, according as he had promised by the mouthes of his Porphets: doth teach vs by experience how faithfull he is in his promises, that we therefore should rest vpon him without doubting.
Christ our Sauoiur wrought wonders before all Israel, that their eyes might see his diuine power and beleeue him for his workes sake: but they beleeued not their owne eyes, and are therefore confounded by the experience that test fieth against their owne consciences.
By examples of experience, the Lord Iesus taught the Iewes, as by that of Diues and Lazarus, of the sower of feed, of the euill Steward &c. As by familiar demonstrations.
Our forefathers the olde Christians, so polluted their Tabernacles with the workes of impietie, that they extinguished the holy Ghost in the Sanctuarie, whereby they fell to ignorance and corruption, and were giuen ouer to superstition and Idolatrie. The experience whereof should teache vs of these dayes, and our children to walke wisely in the presence of our God.
Experience discouereth the effects of wisdome and folly: and maketh demonstration of the fruits of vertue and of vice, and teacheth to distinguishe, betwixt the righteous and the wicked, betwixt the foole and the wise man, &c.
Experience is the mother and nurse of the policies and gouernements, ciuill and martiall, priuate & publike, guiding the counsailes and doinges of men with orderly discretion.
Experience of the inordinate iniquities of men fuonded the lawes and the iudgement seat.
The experience of troublesome furies of men founded Armes, and aduanuced Militarie profession, for the repressing and restraining of the tyrannes and noyfull malice of the wicked.
The experience of the profit and value of lawe and armes, maketh al prudent states and commonwelths, to embrace and to vphold them both with much care and endeuour.
So to conclude, experience is the ordinarie companion and naturall ornament of reason, which maketh men wise in knowledge, & prudent in the direction and vse of things. He therefore that iudgeth or directeth against experience, is not in deede a man, but a foole more ignorant than a beast.
The experience of other mens harmes, warneth the wise to beware.
The experience of forren euills, warneth England to waken it selfe out of securitie, and to be watchfull, and wisely to take it selfe.
Experience hath taught me to loue and to honour armes, and in the zeale of good heart to couet the aduancement of martial occupation, which made me (an vnletter man) to take vnto me a notarie to sette downe in writing this drift in the defence and praise of warlike prowesse, against al contemners of the same: for the benefite and encouragement of my countrie & countrimen.
And finally, the experience of the high noblenes & honour of you, my singular good Lord, doth enbolden me (in the loue of a faithful hart, to your renoumed vertues) most humbly to commend this litle work to your honorable protection, that vnder the shielde of your noble favour and iudgement, it may stande in grace before our nation, to some good effect. God graunt it. To whom be praise, & to your good Lordhippe, abundaunce of heauenly graces, and fatherly blessings, euen to euerlasting life. Amen. London. 23 Decemb. 1578,
Your honours most humble
Geffrey Gates
1579: Poem to Oxford in Anthony Munday’s The Mirror of Mutability.
E xcept I should in friendship seem ingrate,
D enying duty, whereto I am bound;
W ith letting slip your Honour’s worthy state,
A t all assays, which I have noble found.
R ight well I might refrain to handle pen:
D enouncing aye the company of men
D own, dire despair, let courage come in place,
E xalt his fame whom Honour doth embrace
V irtue hath aye adorn’d your valiant heart,
E xampl’d by your deeds of lasting fame:
R egarding such as take God Mars his part
E ach where by proof, in honour and in name.
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